By Martin Kolinsky
During the early years of the second one global struggle, Britain dedicated significant assets to development army bases in Egypt and Palestine. The political balance of the 2 international locations used to be of leading quandary to prevent diverting troops clear of battling the exterior enemy to inner safeguard projects. the ambiguity of Britain's eventual victory used to be that it will probably no longer perpetuate its political authority. calls for for independence intensified in Egypt and between Palestinian Jewry, and ended in postwar struggles.
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Extra info for Britain’s War in the Middle East: Strategy and Diplomacy, 1936–42
During the Munich crisis, the Egyptian government did not waver in its support for Britain, and made no move to undermine the treaty. Lampson's superiors in the Foreign Office were reassured that Egypt (as well as Iraq) 'could be relied upon to fulfil their treaty obligations'. They realized, though, that it was not unconditional, and that it required a belief on the part of the Arab governments that Britain retained the power to defend them. 20 Although Mahmud's preferences concerning Palestine were potentially quite radical (he championed the fanatical Mufti of Jerusalem whom the British had exiled to the Lebanon for spearheading the Arab rebellion), he nevertheless gave Lampson and the Chamberlain government considerable satisfaction.
The stand-off continued for several months, until July 1936. If it had led to war, Italy would have been subject to a crippling oil embargo, and its trade would have been curtailed severely by British naval controls at Gibraltar and Suez and in the Aegean. While studying Italy's weaknesses, the Admiralty and the Committee of Imperial Defence became increasingly aware of their own. The problem of war with Italy had not been considered previously, and the implications were disturbing for their effect on Britain's defensive capabilities in home waters and in the Far East.
It was dominant in the cities and in many rural areas, with support from schoolteachers and village headmen. It was a party of government which was often denied its role in government, and therefore was not loathe to turn to violent agitation and demonstrations. 1 4 Moreover, the Wafd consisted of different wings, which represented diverse social groups. The internal struggles within the Wafd were of more importance than the mere competition of cliques; they could be seen as an expression of the struggle for dominance between the rural landowners and the urban, middle-class effendis.